Que Jessica esta saliendo con uno de los Super Junior -si me equivoco me . Por ejemplo, será cierto que Jessica salía con Donghae??. Kyuhyun de Super Junior dijo que puede que algunos miembros de Super Junior estén saliendo con alguien El 23 de agosto e. menos con mi unnie jessica no se la quiero cerca de mi fish jaja amo a snsd pero todas menos ella aaa siwon. Parejas: HaeSica [Donghae x Jessica (SNSD)] y TaecSica [Taecyeon (2PM) x de las peores noticias de su vida, Jung Jessica estaba saliendo con Ok Taecyeon. En el fondo seguía queriendo al miembro de Super Junior. O acaso ustedes se hubieran interesado en un Leetuk narizon, q era pre-operado. Y esta comprobado q mas de la mitad de la mujeres, si tendria la oportunidad se haria una operacion estetica, entonces antes de criticar en casa como andamos? Todos sabemos q los coreanos veneran la piel blanca, todos son racistas! Y ademas todas las personas alguna vez en nuestra vida hemos dicho algun tipo de comentario hiriente, es solo q lo de ella fue mala suerte, y q se joda por ser boca suelta. Otro ejemplo similar, shindong snsd jessica saliendo donghae super junior si mal no recuerdo leetukdijo q las mujeres deben ser flacas, eso es un comentario SEXISTA, pero el escandalo es menor por q es un hombre. Los idolos coreanos pretender ser perfectos pero son humanos y son imperfectos queramos o no queramos! Una cosa es q no les simpaticen, eso es distinto a odiar sin motivo alguno y tirar mierda y decir idioteces. Si no les simpatiza algun grupo lo mas inteligente no es dejarl s de lado e ignorarl s y no andar diciento tontarias?? A mi me encantan todos los gruposBoys bandso Girls bands o mecladitos!! [RUMOR] ¿La razón de la salida de Jessica de SNSD fue su mala relación con Taeyeon?Todo s los artitas q mencione en mis ejemplos, me encantan! Y no soy una anti. Hubiera dicho lo mismo con cualquier grupo, el cual conozca mas informacion. Sino de ser gracioso, chistoso. XD Sólo soy un ente que no pensó que iban a escribir tanto y con lógica. Aunque hay cosas que no se comparten pero eso… ya es otra historia. Jojojojo pues yo odio a Y eso por andar salvando a sus EMOsexuales favoritos. Pero bueno, ahí snsd jessica saliendo donghae super junior ya es de cada uno el querer ser esclavo y objetivado, a ser un sujeto como tal. Estoy hablando de Personas, como si ella fuera persona y los feos no. Ya para terminar, hacer la mención de que al parecer, me voy a meter todas estas palabras por el culo. Por mas q esten cirujeadas comos todos los artistas me snsd jessica saliendo donghae super junior, son divinas, simpaticas y divertidas! Pues yo creeo que. Si ubiese estado con uno. Ya para finalizar, decir que, aunque no te guste su Voz, no tiene NADA que ver con el comment o por lo que entraste a este post, es irrelevante. A comparación de otros que si tienen una voz que Humillarian completamente a estos Artistas de Plastico. Pero eso sería otro tema que no hay que tocar, ya que en gustos se rompen generos. Super Junior DongHae
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La obra fue usada por el movimiento abolicionista cubano como testimonio . Para ampliar su discurso Vera León cita a Max Henríquez Ureña escribiendo de Matanzas, el Diario de La Habana, El Pasatiempo, Aguinaldo habanero y El .. otros asistentes domésticos porque era más listo y más rápido en muchas tareas. párrafos, no contenía informes desde Cuba ni citas de funcionarios cubanos. .. Camarioca, al norte de Matanzas, por donde se produjo la primera salida masiva , en botes caracteres agresivos, secuencias rápidas, máxima acción y escasos Universidad de Massachussets en Amherst, Estados Unidos. Briankle G. ACERCARSE A LA LITERATURA CUBANA DEL EXILIO. La cita del poeta Raúl Rivero que abre este capítulo nos permite introducir algunas Roberto Valero (Matanzas ) llegó a Estados Unidos por Mariel en Fue uno cubano y la diáspora y de la, en palabras de la autora, “rápida. Beatriz de Justiz Marqueza Citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba de Sta. Ana, esposa del Sor. Juan Manzano, tenia gusto de cada vez qe. En cuanto a él dice: Marqueza Justiz, ya era señora de edad, me tomo como un genero de entretenimiento [ Este es el primer punto de reflexión de la obra ya que el narrador esclavizado, obsesionado con su privilegio infantil, comienza citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba reconstruir su historia. Relata la fiesta de su bautizo, inicia sus primeras lecciones de sastre, y recita sermones de memoria. Explica que le cocían diferentes mamelucos dependiendo de la ocasión, le peinaban, y cuidaban de que no se juntase con otros negritos. Dice que 'todo esto sin saber si tenia amo o no' 11 folio 8. La edad de catorce años abre el inicio de la segunda parte de la obra y es propiamente donde comienzan los maltratos e infortunios de Manzano. El narrador en primera persona describe los castigos recibidos en el Molino, la falta de comida y el hambre que ésta provoca, su degradación física y su sufrimiento. A lo largo de los episodios de azotes y golpes se nos descubre el narrador con la gran habilidad de ser dibujante, sastre y poeta. Así también esta parte nos muestra su formación intelectual y cultural narrando sobre su participación en las iglesias, tertulias, teatros y su agilidad de recitar versos de memoria. El escritor en primera persona nos narra los momentos cruciales de Manzano en el Molino donde el castigo aumenta y las ideas de fuga comienzan a invadir el corazón y la mente de nuestro protagonista. Dice Manzano 'mi corazon estaba tan oprimido qe. Manzano escribe, 'contentísimo con mi logrado intento me pasaba desde las cinco hasta las diez ejercitando la mano en letras menudas' Schulman, Después de pasar tres años en La Habana, volvió su señora de Matanzas a buscarlo. Hecho que hizo que Manzano pensara en buscar otro amo. Manzano cuenta que su señora dijo: Al morir su madre y pasar de tantos disgustos y castigos decide fugarse y con ese acontecimiento termina la obra. Cuando Manzano narra su vida, reclama la historia de los esclavos cubanos citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba los de descendencia Afrocubana durante el siglo XIX, antes y después de la emancipación de la esclavitud. A lo citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba de este proceso, la memoria transforma el pasado en el presente continuo. Por lo tanto, citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba posible que recuerde algo que, en realidad, nunca ocurrió. Usando la memoria como herramienta, el autobiógrafo recupera información del pasado, lo recrea desde la perspectiva presente por lo que lo que era el pasado es posible que sea algo distinto a como realmente fue. A lo largo del acto de rememoración del pasado en el presente, el autobiógrafo imagina la existencia de otra persona, un 'yo', y otro mundo que no existen en el presente. En la autobiografía, la persona imaginativa puede ser otro 'yo' diferente a la voz narrativa. Casi toda la obra narra los episodios en el que el amo castiga a Manzano. Esta experiencia interna provocada por la descripción de los castigos lleva al lector a concluir que el sistema esclavista es injusto y cruel, despreciando así todo lo relacionado a la esclavitud. Metafóricamente su madre podría representar el deseo de libertad de los esclavizados. Aunque era peligroso romper con las leyes esclavistas, su madre fue su ejemplo de rebeldía. Manzano utilizó su talento literario para luchar contra la esclavitud, de modo que usó el lenguaje como un arma para representar a la gente de origen africano que sufría la esclavitud. Hay tres diferentes mensajes en el texto que se relacionan entre sí tras la identificación de las voces narrativas: Finalmente, se encuentra otro: Si el cumplir el tercer mensaje precisa el ser blanco para poder reconocerse como negro, eso es lo que puede que haga. Como Butterfieldilustra en citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba libro Black Autobiography in Americala autobiografía produce en el lector la afirmación su valor literario y cuestiona su concepción de lo que vale la pena, contando la historia real de alguien que ha seguido un camino distinto. El valor de la obra reside en el contenido y el lenguaje de la misma. La autobiografía de Manzano ofrece un modelo de 'yo' diferente a otros creados por escritores blancos, surge como respuesta a una percepción de la historia diferente y divergente. A través de la citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba narrativa y la experiencia del pícaro, Juan Francisco Manzano comunica con su autobiografía sus verdaderos sentimientos sobre la esclavitud y consigue narrar la historia del pueblo de origen africano en Cuba. Su obra también ayudó a mostrar a la gente de raza negra, libre o esclavizada, como seres humanos, con las mismas características y citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba que los de raza blanca. Es posible que este hecho tuviera un gran impacto en la conciencia del opresor para abolir la esclavitud en Cuba de una vez por todas. Ciertamente, Manzano era un poeta. El narrador describe uno tras otro momentos horribles de la vida de Juan Francisco Manzano, estimulando así la mente del lector y produciendo un efecto de tristeza y rabia. Por ejemplo, se describe en la novela un zulo en la plantación, donde se le encerró en numerosas ocasiones sin comida ni agua durante veinticuatro horas e, incluso, por días. Los amos ejercían su poder mediante el control de los servicios de los esclavos bajo su posesión. Al mismo tiempo, los esclavos crecen juntos allí y crean familias que sirvan al amo. El narrador se refiere a El Molino como el lugar de trabajo y no como el hogar. El personaje le da importancia al código del atuendo porque la ropa que lleva puesta es lo que va a distinguirle del resto de esclavos y va a acercarle a la sociedad blanca. Se siente importante cuando se viste como una persona blanca y en varias ocasiones describe la ropa con felicidad:. Manzano afirma conscientemente que se consideraba a los esclavos una clase inferior y que tal vez ni tuvieran identidad como resultado de la esclavitud. Un posible mensaje antiesclavista podría ser que los esclavos cosieran metafóricamente sus experiencias para hacer historia y que por fin se les considerase como miembros de la sociedad y no como objetos ni mercancías. A través de la voz del personaje, el lector descubre que, cuando su ama le manda de vuelta a casa de su madre para recoger sus pertenencias, encuentra una caja con joyas de oro y algunos documentos que prueban que su amo le debía dinero. Como explica, 'abiendo entre ellos uno de dosientos y píco de pesos y otro de cutrosientos y tantos pesos' folio Mucho después del descubrimiento de las joyas, le pide a su ama el dinero que le debía a su madre y ésta responde: Él la cambia, no obstante, por una moneda antigua porque 'tanto bale esta como esta otra' folio 1922 pero cuando vuelven a casa su ama descubre que conserva la moneda y piensa que no se la dio al vagabundo. Poco después, se le castiga de nuevo. Resulta irónico que el personaje le conceda tanta importancia al dinero cuando forma parte de un sistema de trabajo basado en la explotación y en el que el capital es el elemento que le convirtió en esclavo. El dinero es el vehículo que transforma a los seres humanos. En los ejemplos mencionados, la moneda es lo que determina la fidelidad del esclavo. Tal vez el objetivo del personaje era utilizar la mentalidad blanca para entrar en su círculo a través de la idea de 'dinero es poder'. Manzano se preocupa por los ahorros. Él creía que sus ahorros podrían constituir una salida de su condición de esclavo. Se trata de que la esclavitud debía abolirse de una vez por todas. Paul de Man En primer lugar, el autor crea la voz narrativa. En segundo lugar, la voz narrativa cuenta la historia recurriendo a un género narrativo que le pueda resultar familiar al lector. Dicha secuencia refuerza el concepto de autobiografía de George Gusdorf Por lo tanto, Juan Francisco Manzano, el autor, usó la prosopopeya para escribir la obra. El personaje central de la Autobiografía es el esclavizado y no Juan Francisco Manzano el intelectual: Hay que recordar que la Autobiografía de un esclavo traducida al inglés no menciona el nombre del autor en la portada. Nótese que el nombre del autor, Juan Francisco Manzano, no aparece en la citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba. Manzano cuenta parte de su vida por medio de la voz del personaje ficticio. Tanto el autor como el traductor utilizan una retórica engañosa que alude a diferentes tipos de 'yo'. Como en la ficción, en Autobiografía de un esclavo tanto el escritor como el traductor utilizan una retórica engañosa. Como consecuencia, los lectores ingleses decimonónicos compraban y leían el libro como si fuera una obra de ficción, porque para ellos era inconcebible que un esclavo supiera escribir. El traductor, como miembro del grupo abolicionista, manipuló y trató el texto como si se tratara de una obra de ficción. Por ejemplo, crea un narrador, que es la voz principal de su libro. Este narrador copia a un personaje ficticio de un género literario que comparte las características marginales del autor y, en ocasiones, el propio autor le habla al citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba ficticio. En la presente época literaria, el lector no informado puede llegar a la conclusión que todas estas voces se funden bajo el título de autobiografía, a causa de creer que tanto el narrador como el personaje ficticio son realmente el autobiógrafo. No obstante, durante citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba época de la esclavitud era posible que el lector cometiera el error de separar las voces. El uso de la prosopopeya es efectivo porque el autobiógrafo se comunica con el lector a través de esas otras voces con las que expresa sus ideas antiesclavistas por medio del narrador pícaro y de los otros personajes dentro de la historia. El narrador relata que mientras Manzano pensaba en fugarse para La Habana, un criado libre le dice 'hombre qe. En esta duplicidad de la voz narrativa, Manzano el autor revela con estas palabras que el negro esclavo vive en malas condiciones cuando puede tener mejor destino dentro de la sociedad. Juan Citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba Manzano el autor, mediante el 'yo' narrador, construye un personaje ficticio que al final va a determinar quién en realidad es Juan Francisco Manzano, el escritor. Por ejemplo, la Autobiografía de un esclavo es la creación del autor, pero quien crea al escritor es su producto, la autobiografía. Manzano, el narrador, explica que. La creación de un esclavizado escritor dentro de la obra dio resultado a la creación de un autobiógrafo en la realidad. La creación de la Autobiografía le brinda la oportunidad de ser escritor. Manzano crea para ser creado por su historia. Por otro lado, si se clasifica la Autobiografía de un esclavo de Juan Francisco Manzano como una novela picaresca, se puede identificar al esclavizado como el pícaro de la historia. Sin embargo, en su mayoría, relata en el texto recuerdos de su infancia que selecciona y reelabora estratégicamente. Este proceso de recreación tiene que ver con la idea de la formación de un 'yo' ficticio. Emplea un conocimiento literario previo para crear su autobiografía recurriendo a un lenguaje conocido o reconocible para el lector hacia el que va destinado. El modelo literario que Manzano utiliza como base fundamental de su mimética para escribir su autobiografía es la novela picaresca. Las novelas picarescas —libros de bolsillo muy populares desde el siglos XVI hasta el XIX en Europa y América entre la élite de lectores europeos, asociados con la 'raza blanca'— tenían como personaje principal a un niño marginado, denominado pícaro. Un pícaro es un personaje de ficción que, a lo largo de todo el texto, busca una vida y una mejor forma de conseguir la libertad de sus amos. Para conseguir sus objetivos, miente a las personas que lo humillan y lo deshumanizan. En su libro Tropics of DiscourseHayden White presenta su teoría filosófica sobre cómo el autor transforma una narración histórica en una obra de ficción. El conocimiento previo de la picaresca le hizo a Manzano darse cuenta de que él mismo podía transformarse en un personaje ficticio de una novela para mostrar la situación de los esclavos en la vida real. La Autobiografía de un esclavo es una narración escrita desde una estructura específica y en un lenguaje que resulta familiar a los lectores. Como consecuencia, el lenguaje, los temas y la retórica tuvieron que enmarcarse en los géneros literarios para blancos de una clase social cómoda con educación formal. En este juego de enmascaramiento y dualidades los esclavizados imitaron y recrearon el estilo de los modelos europeos e, incluso en algunos casos, la mentalidad blanca. Como comenta Homi K. Bhabha en su libro The Location of Cultureesta imitación implica una burla y una recreación: Stephen Butterfield añade al discurso de la imitación que la influencia blanca en las narraciones de esclavizados proviene de la Biblia y de la literatura cristiana Ampliando su idea, puede decirse que la influencia blanca también proviene de la literatura popular como la narrativa picarescajunto con un mensaje moral que circulaba por Europa y América desde el siglo XVI hasta el XIX. La picaresca española es un género literario que también contiene un mensaje moral: Igualmente, la autobiografía de Manzano transmite un mensaje moral que refuta las leyes de la esclavitud y la actitud de los esclavistas. Por ejemplo, Manzano narra satíricamente que cuando su madre fallece tiene que vender por citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba una manilla que heredó para pagarle al sacerdote las misas. Asimismo, hace referencia a que el esclavizado y sus bienes pertenecen a los amos, y al castigo que reciben si van en contra de la ley. Obviamente, el mensaje de los textos antiesclavistas varía porque no sólo trata el tema de citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba moralidad sino que también denuncia el sistema esclavista. En el caso de las novelas picarescas, éstas se usan como modelo para las novelas de esclavos porque tienen un potente mensaje que puede derivarse hacia la lucha en contra de la esclavitud y la hegemonía blanca. El lenguaje se transformaba así en el arma que emplearon intelectuales como Frederick Douglass y Juan Francisco Manzano para luchar por la libertad de los esclavizados. A los esclavizados no se les reconocía como personas y, como consecuencia, con el fin de concientizar al opresor, estos autores citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba que transformarse en narradores furtivos. Tal vez ésa fuera otra razón por la que la abolición de la esclavitud tuvo éxito. Las ideas antiesclavistas camufladas en la escritura de los esclavos fueron transmitidas por medio de la literatura popular. Los lectores comenzaron a percibir la crueldad ética y moral del sistema esclavista. Manzano, mediante la escritura de su autobiografía, no sólo logra alcanzar su libertad física sino también su libertad mental. Su obra es la prueba de que es un hombre que posee cualidades intelectuales que en el momento eran atribuidas a la burguesía. Juan Francisco Manzano usa la lengua del opresor para liberarse a sí mismo y, en general, para liberar a la gente esclavizada. Cuando escribe emplea un lenguaje muy doliente y con cierta alegría. Sufre porque no es visible en la sociedad, porque no se le reconoce como poeta y porque no es blanco. En los momentos alegres de su vida componía de memoria y la recitaba para también alegrar al resto de la servidumbre. En la siguiente cita comenta con orgullo su talento poético, pero al mismo tiempo le entristece que no pudiera declamar por miedo a su ama. La alegría fue nublada con la amenaza del castigo. Cuando habla con alegría es porque se le reconoce como persona blanca. Es entonces cuando habla de su niñez y por eso en su autobiografía se centra en ella y en su juventud. En este momento de su vida, los blancos consideran importante a Manzano, el personaje, no porque fuera esclavizado, hijo de un esclavizado o un mulato, sino porque le consideraba menos negro que otros esclavos. Manzano, el escritor, escribe de forma estratégica porque supone que el lector quiere leer una narrativa que le entretenga. Si no lo hubiera hecho, nadie habría leído el libro. Igualmente, Manzano es el personaje que construye la voz narrativa como esclavo nacido en Cuba que posee cualidades blancas. Comenta, 'tenia ya dies años cuando instruido en cuanto podia instruirme una mujer por lo que hace a religión todo el catecismo lo daba todo de memoria como casi todos los sermones de frai L. Quiere que, a los ojos de la burguesía, se le vea como un ser humano. El hecho de que recibiera el catecismo y recitara poesía a una temprana edad le convirtió en un niño muy especial entre los de El Molino. De hecho, dentro de esta categoría de blanco, no se le permitía relacionarse con 'negritos'. Por ejemplo, la voz abolicionista del autor es representada por la voz de la madre de Manzano para exponer un mensaje de libertad cuando ella le dice a su hijo 'Juan aqui llebo el dinero de tu libertad, ya tu vez y tu padre se ha muerto y tu vas a ser ahora el padre de tus hermanos ya no te bolberan a castigar mas, Juan cuidado he [ Otro ejemplo en la Autobiografía es cuando Juan Francisco Manzano, el escritor, utiliza una voz divina que habla al esclavo en el momento de su fuga: La función de la prosopopeya en el texto resulta esencial porque el autor se encontraba en una posición marginada históricamente y no podía expresar sus sentimientos con libertad. Sin embargo, aunque fuera esclavizado, el abolicionista Domingo Del Monte le pidió que escribiera su autobiografía. Asimismo, para poder narrar su historia, el autor tuvo que convertirse en otra persona que representase su papel en el texto. En la autobiografía hay una multiplicación de la voz narrativa que representa distintos aspectos del autobiógrafo. Cuando habla del personaje principal, 'yo', utiliza el personaje de una obra de ficción. El personaje principal 'yo' se usa cuando el autor desea informar al lector del proceso de escritura o hablar directamente con el personaje del pícaro. Conforme progresa la narración, surge otra voz que también se define como 'yo' y que mantiene una relación muy próxima con el narrador y el autor. En numerosas ocasiones la voz narrativa interrumpe una historia porque el autor dice no recordarla bien. En otras, podría resultar demasiado doloroso recordarla y opta por cambiar de tema. Por ejemplo, cuando el narrador narra el fallecimiento del primer amo al que quiso, el autor dice 'esta epoca pr. Mi madre y la Sra. Da Joaquina y el padre estuvimos en fila en su cuarto' folio 6. Así mismo, cuando el personaje principal, el pícaro, tiene problemas porque su ama cree que se ha quedado con la moneda nueva y tiene que defenderse, el autor concluye que 'a la verdad qe. Puede argumentarse que esa voz es la de Juan Francisco Manzano, el propio autor, que anima al protagonista a escapar hacia la libertad y que simboliza la libertad de todos los esclavos y los descendientes de africanos en América bajo opresión. Sin embargo, al final del libro Manzano se vuelve Negro. El final es muy importante porque Manzano, el autobiógrafo, el narrador y el personaje ficticio se unen en una sola voz, la voz del esclavo. Es un ser humano que ya no quiere cumplir órdenes, que ya no quiere estar preso. Ahora es un hombre libre que, pese a su estatus social y al color de su piel, ya no va a estar oprimido. Quiere que se le vea como un ser humano que durante muchos años fue citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba para la sociedad. Tanto la sociedad lectora inglesa decimonónica como citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba sociedad literaria cubana son testigos de la visibilidad del esclavizado por medio de la escritura. En conclusión, la Autobiografía de un esclavo de Juan Francisco Manzano es una herramienta que utiliza el autor como arma para luchar contra la esclavitud, lograr la libertad y reclamar la historia de los Afrodescendientes que el sistema de esclavitud oprimió durante siglos. Estas figuras retóricas y la utilización del género literario de la picaresca facilitaron su desfiguración a lo largo del texto para comunicar mensajes antiesclavistas. Puede interpretarse a Juan Francisco Manzano en el texto como un hombre negro que quiere ser blanco. Es importante recordar que después de que Manzano obtuviera su libertad en no volvió a escribir, se acabaron los poemas y las narraciones y dedicó su vida a su familia y a su carrera como fabricante de caramelos y sastre, que fueron las labores que heredó de sus ancestros. Tal vez su autobiografía inspirara a Frederick Douglass a huir citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba a escribir su propia autobiografía en compartiendo las mismas ideas y propósitos que la autobiografía de Manzano. Obviamente, existe un trazo de continuidad en la escritura de textos que posibilitaron la abolición de la esclavitud en América. Ellos fueron los que iniciaron la apertura de puertas de posibilidades para los descendientes de africanos de todo el mundo. La Autobiografía de un esclavo es un texto extraordinario que estimula las mentes de los Afrodescendientes y que inspira las siguientes preguntas: The second set of criticisms concern what citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba have regarded as an excessive veneration for Coombs. Indiana University Press, The author, an assistant professor of history at Kent State University, has written a slender but satisfying narrative describing three generations of merchants along the Ohio River. Focusing upon Marietta, Ohio, but extending her case studies from Pittsburgh to Louisville, Kim Gruenwald analyzes how the commerce of the region shaped its identity. For the first two generations, their identity was with the west, and they referred to their region as the Western country. But from forward, the northern and southern areas surrounding the river began to pull away from each other as transportation systems, foreign immigration, and slavery underwrote new identities that were no longer Western but Northern or Southern. This sense of place is derived from a careful analysis of three generations of merchants; Dudley Woodbridge, his son, and grandson. Their correspondence, account books, ledgers, invoice books, blotters, and letter books form the evidentiary citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba for this study. From them the reader can see how widely the merchants traded, from whom they got their goods and how they were paid for, to whom they marketed their goods and what they received in return. Citas rapidas limaDudley Woodbridge arrived in Marietta indetermined to speculate in the lands of the Ohio Company and to engage in entrepot trade between this fledgling town and the Eastern seaboard. His efforts to supply area farmers with goods and markets, while fraught with hazard, proved to be successful, and he became one of the leaders of Marietta. To facilitate his business, Woodbridge encouraged more settlement by farmers and he recruited artisans, such as smiths, shoemakers, and boatbuilders, to migrate into the Ohio Valley. By the turn of the century, Marietta was a center of trade for southeastern Ohio and northwestern Citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba. Dudley Woodbridge Junior, was part of the second generation that linked Marietta with the growing regional hubs at Pittsburgh and Louisville. He began to move into wholesaling, buying up lots of goods to be shipped to country stores in the Marietta subregion. Having such access to goods, Woodbridge opened up branch stores as well, relying upon partners to help fund and operate the business. Success here required not only knowledge of markets and the trust of customers, but goods and credit from the regional hubs such as Philadelphia. As the area developed, trade with the burgeoning towns of Pittsburgh, Louisville, and Cincinnati grew. Book Reviews from New Orleans. As he developed wholesaling based upon this greatly extended Ohio River commerce, trade with local farmers shrank. If the Western country got its identity from the patterns of commercial trade, Gruenwald argues that it was cemented by its shared political interests, as westerners sought both better banking and transport systems. The new transport systems would citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba the importance of the Ohio River system. With two major canal systems crossing Ohio from south to north and connecting with Lake Erie, the Ohio River was no longer a primary route for those heading further west into the interior of the North America continent. The Great Lakes—Erie Canal waterway and good wheat lands led to development of the northern parts of the state. Railroads would confirm this northward shift. Ohioans now identified themselves with the term the Buckeye State. The consequences of the shift in identity from Western to Northern and Southern would have momentous effects in While the Woodbridges assume center stage, the patterns of their commercial exchange are confirmed with account books, ledgers, and blotters of other merchants. The work in these primary documents is impressive and the results will no doubt find themselves in the published work of others. A classic piece of history, this book does not employ economic models nor does it rely upon advanced statistical technique. For some this may be a limitation, but for others, it means a more readable narrative. Louis Jordan has put together an impressive volume detailing the historical, political, and economic circumstances surrounding the issue of coinage in Massachusetts. His work offers both a thorough examination of the primary sources and literature on the topic as well as new information and interpretations. Jordan is able to synthesize the vast materials on the topic into a well-written scholarly volume that I suspect will become a standard reference for those interested in monetary matters of the British North American colonies. Jordan explains every element related to his subject, from account book date recording to the various methods for minting coins. Numerous figures also provide a wonderful complement to his vivid descriptions, allowing you to see the layout of a mint along with pictures of the coins produced. The two appendices provide invaluable tools for researchers: While attempting to provide well-supported answers to questions such as the location of the mint, Jordan provides a rich backdrop on the development of Boston and the citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba communities. He also includes relevant political details such as the requirements of the Puritan church and the relations between the colony and England in the turbulent eighteenth century. The book provides technical details about the rules and methods for determining the purity of silver and the operation of a mint. For the period covered by the available account records, Jordan attempts to estimate the productivity of the mint by such measures as turn- around time for orders and the optimal size of a silver melt. Although his analysis requires him to make assumptions, none seem implausible. Jordan arrives at good estimates for the citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba to produce coins in Massachusetts. The problem of coin weight pp. The lack of a scientific approach to coinage made weight something of a problem, evi- denced by the examples Jordan presents pp. He provides an average coin weight in grains of silver but citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba not give the standard deviation. As a result the reader does not gain a sense of the distribution of coin weight. The later chapters Part citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba, pp. One again Jordan provides an exhaustive citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba of detail as he discusses the different exchange values attached to coins throughout the British Citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba at the time, the one based on the silver content and then the legislated exchange value. He does a good job explaining the attempts to legislate the value of a shilling in Massachusetts to keep the coinage in circulation in the colony. A Handbook Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, gives students and scholars alike a detailed set of references to examine for exchange-rate movements and monetary history in colonial America. A History of Landmaking in Boston. It is impossible to write a review of Gaining Ground without resorting to superlatives. This is the most meticulously researched and lavishly illustrated and heaviest book I have ever reviewed. Nancy Seasholes documents this process on a year by year, wharf by wharf, block by block basis. Maps, drawings, and photographs depict the changes. One of the tasks in Boston is to determine whether the land is original or made land. The Shawmut peninsula on which the Puritans settled was acres. Roughly acres have been added, largely by filling tidal flats. Nearby communities have grown in a similar fashion. Landmaking was facilitated by the Colonial Ordinance of that defined the rights of shoreline property owners as including the flats to the low-tide mark p. The demand for wharves later railroads and airports was one major reason for made land, especially at those times Boston felt it was losing trade to New York City. The demand for a place to live especially during the Irish immigration of the s was a factor, as was pollution from wastewater disposal. Book Reviews The first chapter provides a general overview; the second chapter, a discussion of land- making technology. Thereafter, the book is organized geographically, with the chapters each organized roughly chrono- logically. Each chapter begins with a map showing the part of modern Boston under discus- sion with the shoreline superimposed. The simplest way to provide the flavor of the book is to provide an edited excerpt from the middle of Chapter 9. In April the South Cove Corporation paid the railroad a bonus of seventy-five thousand dollars and agreed to sell it land in South Cove for merchandise. In April this land did not exist, however, and had to be created by filling. The South Cove Corporation had originally planned to purchase and fill the entire seventy- seven acres of wharves and flats bounded by Front, Essex, and Sea Streets and the South Boston Bridge. Filling of South Cove began in May To obtain fill the corporation had pur- chased eighteen acres of marsh about a mile away at the south end of South Bay. Scows brought the mud and gravel to South Cove p. What this excerpt cannot show is that the text is illustrated by a map of Boston and its environs, a close up of South Cove on an map, and an map showing the filled area. A short review cannot cover all this book has to offer; there are gems lurking in every chapter. For example, the first railroad in the United States was part of the Mount Vernon project and was used to carry gravel from the top to the flats p. And Logan Airport was named after a South Boston judge who was never in an airplane but had a wife interested in aviation p. First, falling groundwater levels, at least partially due to more efficient waste- water disposal, have led to rotting foundations in some of the filled areas. Second, the fill in some places has led to flooding in others that were not originally filled above the high- tide mark. Finally, even though the last major earthquake was init remains true that the extensive and expensive capital developed on filled land is at greater risk. Gaining Ground is packaged as a coffee table citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba, and it should find its way to the coffee tables of all those interested in Boston history. Others, particularly those interested in urban development, will find it rewarding because the issues Seasholes addresses are common to many cities. Among these are concerns about growing concentrations of bridges and railroads and the need to develop public land to accommodate public buildings e. Gaining Ground is an encyclopedic work that can be consulted with profit in whole or in part. We are indebted to Nancy Seasholes. Johns Hopkins University Press, In this admirably short book, Rudy Higgens-Evenson encapsulates an important chapter in the history of American governance. Between Reconstruction and the Great Depression state and local governments underwent a fundamental transition, as the scope of their activity widened and as the center of gravity shifted to the states. Higgens-Evanson situates the expanding public agenda within an emerging interest-group politics, which allowed expenditure demands to find expression outside the fiscal restrictions of nineteenth-century partisanship. Government officials and academic experts also played key roles in lobbying for a larger government role, in critiquing the old fiscal regime—one based on a locally administered general property tax, and in shaping the particulars of new tax systems. Land owners felt unduly burdened compared to the holders of financial and corporate property. Government officials and program advocates thought their efforts were being hampered by a constrained fiscal device. And corporations chafed under the complexity and unpredictability of the general property tax, which varied considerably from one jurisdiction to the next, depending on the sympathies of the local assessment machinery. Political acceptance of the new systems of corporate taxation typically required a compromise among three parties: The growing state dependence on corporate wealth also had important political consequences, as corporations became more directly involved in state policy making, exerting greater influence along administrative, legislative, and intellectual channels. The precise outcome from this three-way bargaining varied across the states, differing in the types of corporate taxes employed, in the relative winners and losers across eco- nomic sectors, in the fiscal arrangements struck between governments, and in subsequent corporate influence over state policy. Also, even though policy expansion and administra- tive centralization were widespread, the shift to corporate taxation was not universal. The latter had economies based mainly on agriculture and extractive industries and thus funded their growing, though less ambitious, commitments under the general property tax. Higgens-Evenson captures this diversity through an approach that aptly combines case study, fiscal data collection, and a synthesis of secondary literature. In addition to tracking the course of tax reform, the book examines prominent expenditure areas, notably education and road building, the latter tied to another significant revenue transformation beginning in the s: My primary reservation about the book falls under the category of missed opportunities. The available data may not be perfect and the fiscal sources can be maddeningly idiosyncratic, but the situation is not hopeless. Missed opportunities aside, Higgens-Evenson has done the field a service citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba placing a concise narrative on the table, ready for closer scrutiny. Such scrutiny must grapple with an interpretive puzzle and a historical irony. The puzzle concerns our larger political evaluation of the shift to corporate taxation. Although corpora- tions were targeted with new taxes amid a political environment with some anti-corporate strains, they also were relieved of the hassles and potentially heavy burden of the general property tax, which at its core citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba a tax on wealth. Still unclear in the existing literature is the extent to which changes in tax policy were driven by corporate politicking and ideologi- cal predispositions sensitive to corporate interests, rather than by high-minded tax reform or a pragmatic effort to fund a wider public agenda. In rough schematic terms, the present narrative suggests a causal chain running from diverse expenditure demands, through tax reform modulated by expert opinion and interest-group pluralism, and to the seemingly unintended consequence rising corporate influence over state governance and politics. An alternative schematic might place a more sustained emphasis on corporate influence all along, in propagating some expenditure demands, in defining the fiscal crisis and acceptable solutions, and in engineering a system conducive to enhanced political influence. Such an alternative might find reinforcement in the historical irony revealed by extending the time frame beyond Although state governments relied heavily on corporate taxation for a time, the larger trend was very different—away from a taxpaying public defined by property ownership and corporate status, and toward a universal taxpaying public tapped on both its incomes and purchases. University of Pennsylvania Press, It provides an analytical history of public-sector citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba in the United States, which had important differences in their management, distribution, and investment funding and which offer important lessons for recent proposals citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba restructure Social Security and to expand defined contribution, employer-provided pension plans. There are 11 chapters, an appendix of historical price and wage indices covering various periods from toand detailed references to the history and economics of public- and private-sector pension systems. The book has three objectives: As the authors state there is no disentangling the history of public-sector pensions from that of the financial management of the monies in the pension citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba and the evolution of finance in the United States. Accordingly, pension history offers insights into the development of American financial markets as well. Chapter 1 summarizes the evolution of public pensions in the United States that predated private-sector arrangements. Military pensions were the first to appear, and for a while, navy and army pension systems were quite different. Naturally, these objectives were not always mutually consistent. A major difference between the navy and army plans, however, was that the navy plan was financed with monies from the sale of captured prizes. Revenues were very erratic, fluctuating with the fortunes of war and peace. As a result, Congress established the navy pension fund and allowed the trustees of this fund to invest in a wide range of assets, including private equities. The history of the man- agement of the fund reveals the many problems that arise when public pension monies are used to purchase private assets. One problem was investing in politically favored firms that did not offer the highest returns, weakening the fund. There also were other moral-hazard issues. Congress expanded benefits and coverage, and along with low investment returns, these actions caused the fund to become bankrupt. Contemporary proposals to allow the Social Security trust fund to be invested in private equities are likely to encounter similar problems. The army pension plan has a much smoother history. It was always financed on a pay-as-you-go basis from general citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba. Other government pensions began with disability and retirement benefits to some city employees, beginning in The first state retirement system was inaugurated citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba Massachusetts inand the Federal Employees Retirement Act of systematically provided federal employee pensions. The authors point out that private pensions began later and were less generous than were gov- ernment programs. Private pension systems did not expand dramatically in coverage and benefits until after World War II, but were influenced significantly by public pension practices. Chapter 2 summarizes pension economics to provide a framework for the subsequent discussion. Chapter 3 reviews the history of military citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba from Roman times through feudal practices in Europe and on to their use by the British citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba to develop the navy. American colonial practices are described, and the chapter ends with a comparison of the army and navy systems. Chapters 4—7 present the development and management of the American naval pension system. Very useful data series are provided in the chapter tables, including numbers of pensioners, outlays, key dates, benefit payments, and the value and investments of the naval pension fund. Problems with the administration of the fund and its ultimate bankruptcy are described. The authors also suggest how the naval fund relied upon and at the same time stimulated the growth of broader U. Ese coloquio importante para los activistas del antiracismo en Cuba reúne 9 Agustín Lao-Montes, de la Universidad de Massachussets en Amherst y la Dra. "Solos vamos más rápido, juntos llegamos más lejos". . Barrio La Marina, de Matanzas, La Cofradía de la Negritud y Alianza Unidad Racial. La bibliotecología cubana reprodujo en múltiples casos los modelos . telegrafía y la telefonía, el acero de corte rápido para herramientas, aparatos de aviación, Cita la influencia de ciertas escuelas filosóficas, entre ellas la . La formación empírica de Dewey como bibliotecario en el Amherst College. Once again, the data tables are very complete and informative. Chapter 9 turns to the development of federal employee pensions and describes the growth of public-sector unions in citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba the timing and nature of the plans. State and local worker pensions are discussed in Chapter These began with police and fire department pensions and spread to teachers and other municipal and state employ- ees. Key inaugural dates and state plan provisions are summarized. Funding arrangements also are detailed. Chapter 11 draws some useful lessons from these pension histories to the current policy debate. The authors summarize four points: All in all, this is valuable economic history that informs current debate. The book serves as an important reference for all scholars who work on U. The Johns Hopkins University Press, That the ideal frequently was not achieved, as the author recounts, does not weaken her conviction. Central markets were ancient venues for trade. We learn that in America, laws regulat- ing markets were commonplace. In particular, some laws restricted the selling of food outside public markets except under certain conditions. Over time in large cities, with populations spreading out and businesses replacing residences in the old centers, the early markets became inconvenient. Moreover, the rationale for a city operating real estate, rather than regulating food safety and weights directly, was questioned. Thus began agita- tion to loosen restrictive laws and reconfigure the markets. Food was supplied by peddlers, neighborhood shops, and modern private markets. But the tenants of public market stalls opposed these developments, as citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba some city fathers. It seems that markets could be important sources of revenue for cities, bringing in more in rents and fees than they cost to manage, and in such cases, cities were reluctant to loosen restrictions. Citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba build- ings—some very large ones—continued to be constructed into the twentieth century by municipalities and private investors. But demographic and economic trends worked against the central, publicly owned mar- ket. Not only was population living farther from the old centers, but farms were located farther from cities. Food arriving from greater distances was handled by wholesalers, and some public markets became wholesale markets. But with growing traffic, wholesale mar- kets needed to be removed from congested areas. Citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba I wish the author had provided, citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba addition to the focus on markets, is an overall picture of how urban households obtained food. How important were public markets com- pared with alternative sources? What kinds of vendors actually occupied the markets: The biggest problem with the book for someone interested in economic history is that the author does not analyze the developments in economic terms. She takes for granted that her ideal market arrangement yields the best results for public welfare. Rather than tracing how and why food marketing changed, the author laments the divergence from her ideal. University of North Carolina Press, Louisiana State University Press,as well as numerous articles on topics in antebellum history. In this book Huston argues that the cause of the Civil War was economic, generated by the southern defense of property rights in slavery, which would have created an unfair labor market that would have ruined the opportunities for free northern village labor. It was the reaction in the North to this growing slave system, with the possible expansion of slavery into the North, lending to the ruination of that society, that generated the late antebellum political changes that made compromise between the sections impossible. The title of the book, drawn from an comment by Thomas Cooper, president of South Carolina College and a political economist, on the tariff debates, suggests the southern willingness to make a decision on secession on the basis of a simple benefit-cost calculation. Calculating the Value of the Union is based on extensive archival research and a thor- ough reading of the secondary literature on antebellum political and economic history. The 41 page bibliography includes 78 manuscript sources and newspapers and periodicals. The basic presentation of the volume is in two parts, the first relating to the issue of property rights, particularly those in slaves, to sectional conflict, and the second a rather more traditional narrative on the role of slavery in the political struggles between North and South in the years to There is much of considerable interest said about northern and southern attitudes towards slavery, free labor, and property rights. As Adam Smith pointed out, the demand for morality is downward sloping and some trade-offs may exist—between wealth maintenance and belief—although, given the value of southern slaves a compensated emancipation would have been quite expensive for the North as was also the war. This was undoubtedly the reason that compensation of slaveowners, as done in most previous cases of slave emancipation, was seldom discussed in the United States, but Huston does not say much about the compensation discussions or of the emancipation practices of other countries. He does describe the beliefs in the natural death of slavery held at that time, but little is citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba in any detail about the period of time over which this would occur, a crucial issue for setting policy. Transportation improvements and market integration led to more competition between free and slave labor, and a drive toward territorial expansion in both sections. An interesting counterfactual proposed by Huston p. Whether or not one is fully convinced of his interpreta- tions of northern and southern society, much that is useful is presented about the experience with slavery in the United States. Little, however, is said about slavery and abolition in other countries, or why the North ended slavery before the South and in a quite different manner, so that some possible comparative dimensions are not explored. None of this, however, detracts from the contributions citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba in this most thoughtful and stimulating work. Evidence from the Past. Edited by Dora L. The University of Chicago Press, This book represents an attempt to bring historical evidence to bear on issues that main- tain contemporary importance in the areas of public health and public policy. Contributors use new historical data sets to explore the factors affecting mortality and health outcomes across populations and labor-supply decisions of the aged. It includes a wealth of information that citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba a picture of the life history of each veteran. In the first chapter, Larry Citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba provides an account of the collaborative effort that was required to citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba this data set. There appear to be three central themes that connect the articles in this volume. The first is the effect of socioeconomic status on mortality and health. Joseph Ferrie uses a sample ofindividuals from the and censuses to examine the relationship be- tween wealth and mortality. Previous studies had found little relationship between wealth and mortality in historical data. Ferrie, on the other hand, finds evidence of disparities in mortality by socioeconomic status in p. In an investigation of the effects of socioeconomic status on health outcomes, Clayne Pope and Sven Wilson consider community- and family-level influences that affect adult heights. They find that farmers enjoy a distinct height advantage over other occupations in both urban and rural communi- ties p. This finding is explained by both better nutrition and reduced exposure to infectious disease for farmers in rural areas. The second central theme in the book is the effect on mortality of infectious diseases and migration, both important features of nineteenth-century life in America. Whereas Lee focuses on prior expo- sure to infectious diseases, Smith considers the environment to which soldiers were exposed during the war. Lee finds that prior exposure to infectious diseases reduced the chances of dying from disease p. This appears to be due to increased resistance. After the first year of service, the environment experienced during the war became a more impor- tant predictor of death from infectious disease pp. Mario Sanchez examines the characteristics of migration patterns in the nineteenth century and the effect of migration decisions on later mortality of migrants. He finds return migration was a common feature of nineteenth-century migration patterns p. Migra- tion was also found to reduce life expectancies, a finding that is explained by the increased probability of dying from infectious diseases p. The third theme citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba the papers in this volume concerns the labor-supply and retire- ment decisions of Union Army veterans. Tayatat Kanjanapipatkul finds that the receipt of pensions reduced labor-force participation among Union Army Veterans p. In addition, the elasticity of retirement with respect to pension income varies across occupations p. Chen Song and Louis Nguyen examine the labor-supply implications of poor health for Union Army veterans. Specifically, they examine the case of hernias. They find that retirement decisions for Union Army veterans were not influenced by the existence of hernias. As the papers in this book depend largely on the Life-Cycle Data on the Aging of Veter- ans of the Union Army, its focus may at first appear somewhat narrow. Yet a particularly appealing feature of the book is that it carries implications for broader issues in American economic history. Citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba example, the evidence relating to the costs of migration may help to explain the existence of large urban wage premiums in the nineteenth century. Likewise, the evidence on the factors affecting adult heights of Union Army veterans may shed light on the larger issue of declining heights in mid-nineteenth-century America. Despite these advantages, it is also true that the Union Army data are confined to a sample of white males from the North. Citas rápidas, una alternativa para conocer pareja // Speed DatingIt is unfortunate that this wonderful data set cannot be used to examine the experiences of women, children, Southerners, or African Americans. Overall, the book provides a detailed analysis of the factors affecting health, mortality, and labor-force participation in nineteenth-century America. As such, it will be of interest to economic historians, labor economists, and historians. One point that emerges clearly is the importance of infectious diseases for health outcomes and subsequent mortality in nineteenth-century America. From this standpoint, there may be implications for developing economies in which infectious diseases remain prevalent. This book may therefore be of special interest to those in the field of public health. Finally, the attention devoted to migra- tion means that this book should also hold the interest of those interested in demography. During the past generation a number of scholars have examined the question of black property ownership in the South. None of the articles and books, however, has looked at the question from the perspective of slavery in West Africa and communal or kinship ownership in the United States. Penningroth uses a case study of the Fante region on the Gold Coast of Africa present day Ghanafollowing the British emancipation into show how kinship claims to property were in some ways similar to slave property ownership in the United States. The author follows his case study with an analysis of the internal slave economy and the changes that occurred as a result of the Civil War. The author relies particularly heavily on the Southern Claims Commission reports. Created by Congress to reimburse Union loyalists who lost property to Union troops who were foraging for supplies and food during the Civil War, this evidence is skewed toward a few densely black populated sec- tions of the Lower South, especially the Sea Islands and coastal regions of South Carolina and Georgia, and the Natchez and Vicksburg areas of Mississippi. Although the author makes every effort to place the interpretation—that black economic dealings were more social and communal than financial and economic—in a South-wide context, he keeps returning to these locations. Indeed, a few counties, including Liberty County, Georgia, appear to be extremely important to understanding his thesis. The theories advanced, however, are evocative, even if they do not offer a new methodol- ogy for conceptualizing African American property ownership. Edited by Lawrence J. Friedman and Mark D. University of Chicago Presscitas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba, since its publication inbeen the place to start for anyone interested in a survey of charity and philanthropy in the history of the United States. The contributors would like the book to be more than simply a restatement of Bremner- without-the-consensus approach. It is not clear whether the book hits its target. Parts 2 and 3 certainly reach beyond a concern with elite whites. Here one finds essays sensitive to, if not heavily concentrated upon, the donor-recipient interplay of race, gender, ethnicity, and religion; American citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba abroad chapters 11, 15, and epilogue ; and a perhaps overplayed distinction between public, private, and nonprofit organizations. Directors of the Slater Fund, Finkenbine shows, were entwined complexly in the politics and economics of abolition and segregation. He points out that W. B Du Bois, Carter G. Washington, a graduate of the Hampton Institute, from his short list of heroes. Bringing to philanthropy studies a more explicit rhetoric of race, class, gender, and religion is a valuable and long-awaited revision of the Bremner style of scholarship. Eco- nomic historians however will not find fulfillment in some big promises of the book. Yet none of the chapters try to answer the question. Again, however, none of the chapters do so see, for citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba, page Charity, Philanthropy, and Civility in American History is not a book for footnote scholars: Still, anyone wanting acquaintance with the current state of scholarship on charity and philanthropy in America shall profit from reading this book. The Texts of the Tariffs. Edited by Cynthia C. Northrup and Elaine C. The Encyclopedia of Tariffs and Trade in U. History is an ambitious project that spans three volumes and over 1, pages. Volume 1 is a standard encyclopedia consisting of many entries on trade- and tariff-related subjects. Economic historians will probably find this volume disappointing for two reasons. First, nearly all of the contributors are historians. This is not a problem in itself, but it means that the focus of the entries is limited to political figures, industries and industry associations, a few events, and very few concepts. More importantly, the authors make virtually no mention of the economic-history literature on the various topics under consideration. Second, most of the entries are very short, just five to seven paragraphs, and do not provide much more than a basic sketch about the subject. The bibliographic citations are meager, serving up a standard reference or two, no more. With this limited detail and basic bibliography, the volume is most likely to be of value to undergraduate students who are starting research on a trade-related topic. Volume 2 consists of various primary documents related to trade policy debates. This volume usefully collects various materials that would otherwise be difficult to locate. Harvard University Press, and has the added advan- tage of bringing things up to the present. This makes it a valuable resource. Volume 3 presents the actual texts of the major tariff legislation, from the first tariff in to the Smoot-Hawley Tariff of This volume will be valuable for researchers interested in tracing the evolution of a duty on a particular commodity by having all the major tariff acts collected in one handy volume. This is a useful compilation insofar as the main previous reference, Tariff Acts Passed by the Congress of the United States from topublished by the Government Printing Office inlacks the Underwood tariff ofthe Fordney-McCumber tariff ofand the Smoot-Hawley tariff ofand has generally been banished to off site, remote storage by most libraries. Overall, these volumes bring together a good deal of useful information and university libraries would do well to acquire them. Zieger and Gilbert J. As such, the book was a great success. In barely pages, Zieger provided a survey of the orga- nized labor movement suitable for undergraduate history classes that was also of value to graduate students and their professors. The current third edition is an update of the classic Zieger text with two new chapters and some additional material added to a third. Written by Zieger, the first chapter reviews labor relations before World War I. He shows how competition and citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba imperative to reduce costs led employers to challenge the position of skilled craftsmen within American manufacturing and to recruit lower-wage immigrant workers from Southern and Eastern Europe. Gall nearly reverses the earlier focus on employers and technology to emphasize union strategy and politics. If so, there may also be a lesson here for labor activists, and for historians. American Workers, American Unions is a good book made better in its latest incarnation. Those looking for a course book for twentieth-century labor history should consider it. Those looking for their own enlightenment will find it a quick and useful read. Each edition has been better; I look forward to the next. Minchin blends labor history with environmental history to produce a narrative of the infamous BASF lockout of union workers at its Geismar, Louisi- ana, facility in the s. When the existing contract expired in June without an agreement, workers refused to strike, preferring to remain on the job as negotiations continued. BASF locked out its workers on 15 June. Company officials justified the lockout by arguing that they feared sabotage if disenchanted union members were allowed into the plant without a contract. The BASF dispute lasted more than five years before a settlement was finally reached. Corporate campaigns encouraged consumer boycotts and used the media to spread negative publicity about the target firm. The campaign against textile giant J. Stevens was perhaps the most famous example of this new union strategy. Although Minchin notes that the hostility of labor toward environmentalists has been exaggerated, the attitudes of BASF workers were far from warm and welcoming toward the environmental movement. BASF workers exhib- ited little environmental awareness or concern until after the lockout began. The union made no mention of safety or environmental concerns at the outset. A disastrous leak from a Union Carbide plant in Bhopal, India, in Decemberkilled and injured thousands. The Bhopal disaster, combined with a similar though far less deadly leak at a chemical plant in West Virginia in Augusthelped push OCAW leaders toward a greater emphasis on environmental safety. BASF continued to operate the plant using citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba personnel and temporary workers. The union charged that this compromised safety. Eventually, the union used the Bhopal accident in its signature publicity effort. Farben cartel in the Holocaust. Eventually, the connections with environmental groups in Louisiana and pro-environ- ment politicians such as Buddy Roemer put enough pressure on BASF to encourage the company to settle. OCAW successfully linked its cause with environmental responsibility and concern for the broader community in Louisiana. The company and the union finally reached an agreement in December and most locked-out workers returned to their jobs with promised wage increases and seniority guarantees. Forging a Common Bond is an effective and detailed account of a local struggle with broader implications. A History of the Chrysler Corporation. Wayne State University Press, A survey of nine business college faculty standing in the hallways or whose office doors were open found only three who could correctly answer the question: Such was his fame in the s, though, that when the directors of the Maxwell Motor Corporation recruited him to be president, they renamed the company—and the cars it produced—after citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba. The current obscurity of Walter Chrysler is partly due to the very limited access Chrysler has allowed to its company archives. There is, of course, a mountain of biographies of Henry Ford and histories of the Ford Motor Company based on the readily available material in the Ford archives in Dearborn. Hyde has written the first history of Chrysler based on archival material. Hyde was hired by Chrysler in to document the Dodge factory in Hamtramck, Michigan, before it was consigned to the wrecking ball. Hyde begins with the early life of Walter Chrysler, sketches the histories of the compa- nies that eventually became the Chrysler Corporation, and carries the story all the way through the merger with Daimler Benz to form the current DaimlerChrysler Corpora- tion. For instance, the introduction of the Citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba in was an enormous success because the car had features such as hydraulic brakes and aluminum alloy pistons that were not available on competing cars. Largely because of the success of the Plymouth, Chrysler actually sold more cars inat the trough of the Great Depression, than it had in Hyde sheds new light on a number of interesting episodes, including the Chrysler Air- flow debacle, an incident not mentioned by Walter Chrysler in his autobiography. InChrysler developed a new model that was both more aerodynamically sound and that gave a less bumpy ride by moving the rear passenger bench forward of the rear axle. Chrysler expected this model would allow them to pass General Motors in sales. For more recent times citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba was apparently little material available in the company archives, and Hyde relies primarily on articles from business magazines and the Detroit papers. What little archival material he uses in discussing events of the last four decades consists largely of semi-public documents such as transcripts of press conferences by Chrysler officials. It is always possible, of course, to nitpick the interpretations of an author whose book covers so much ground. For instance, in the first few decades of the automobile industry only Ford gathered consistent and timely data on final sales. This left citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba companies vulnerable to accumulating large unsold inventories of finished automobiles. Hyde ignores the role that record-keeping played in the bankruptcy of the United States Motor Corpora- tion—the forerunner of Maxwell, which became Chrysler—and the difficulties that Dodge Brothers encountered inwhich led to the sale of the company to Citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba the follow- ing year. Finally, like most books these days, this one could stand some copyediting. There is an annoying amount of repetition of small facts. At one point the reader is told four times in the space of five pages the exact date—2 November —when Lee Iacocca was ap- pointed president of Chrysler. But such quibbles aside, Hyde deserves substantial credit for filling a major hole in the business history of the United States. US Stock Market Performance since By Lawrance Lee Evans Jr. Edward Elgar Publishing, Time and time again, when the U. It is when Evans uses these differences in chapter 2 to suggest that the efficient markets hypothesis EMH is either wrong or no longer applicable to the equity market that things go astray. But the author seems to interpret the hypothesis as requiring that stock prices be correct in an ex-post sense as well. Under this faulty premise, the sharp decline of stock prices in suggests that investors must have been acting irrationally. But it soon becomes clear where the author stands on these alternatives. He reasons that, because the stock market fell, the idea that we are entering a new technologi- cal age of higher productivity must have been wrong. Yet informational technology has already had sweeping effects on the way that the world does business. And despite the presence of increasingly sophisticated institutional investors spreading risk across countries and time, Evans maintains that investors could not have lowered their required return enough to justify the valuations of the s. Rather it is a reduced form that includes three new arguments in an implicit function for equity prices: Evans inserts these arguments because evidence presented in chapters 5 and 6 shows that they have some predictive power for stock returns since The story is simple. Share repurchases in the s and s reduced the supply of equities available to investors, and a bubble formed as mutual funds and foreigners but for some reason not pension funds continued to pump funds into the market. When firms could not afford to keep up the repurchases, the bubble burst. But the deviations from MM are quite different than the usual taxes or accounting for the possibility of financial distress. Indeed, imperfections in the new theory are driven by herding behavior among investors who either became more risk-loving in the s, or did not discount the potential for financial distress rationally. The empirical evidence that is offered in support of the new framework, how- ever, is unconvincing. Evans presents estimates from several vector autoregressive models and structural i. Maybe investors did act irrationally in the s. Perhaps the downside risks of equity investments went unappreciated by market participants who discounted lessons of the past too deeply. Evans contends that rational economic agents should have seen the bubble and burst coming, but that real world investors continued to buy shares anyway. It does not necessarily follow, however, that investors did not process the information available to them before calling their brokers. It just citas rapidas amherst matanzas cuba that their analysis turned out to be inaccurate. And a battery of regressions subject to omitted-variable bias, though interesting, will do little to convince the skeptic, or the mainstream economist for that matter, that the author has found the smoking gun that practitioners in behavioral finance seek. After reading Why the Bubble Burst, this reviewer emerged more convinced that conventional economics and its efficient markets hypothesis are alive and well. University of Chicago Press, Sin importar la edad, cualquier mujer necesitar ir al ginecólogo antes de intentar Conoce sobre cuáles son las mejores posiciones para quedar embarazada. A qué edad es conveniente tener un bebé. Edad fértil en la mujer y en el hombre. Se recomienda quedar embarazada entre los 20 y 35 años para evitar. Abajo el alarmismo. Después del anuncio del primer embarazo de Meghan Markle, dos expertas nos hablan sobre el mito de la "edad biológica". En el registro se han recogido los siguientes diagn sticos histol gicos. He recorrido parte del GR de sierra Segura, pero no se si disponan de vuelo de salida, la popularidad de estas aplicaciones reside en la posibilidad de socializar sin las exigencias que requiere un encuentro fiacute;sico? Fuentes y disponibilidad de datos. La mala noticia es que muy probablemente no ser maana, utilizando el nombre completo del pretendiente, Tinder es para pasar un rato, el empleador debe presentar la Certificacioacute;n de Empleo Temporal junto con el Formulario I-129, otras polнticas de ALSuave o por la ley vigente. El Chromecast, uno de los dispositivos más exitosos de Google de los últimos años. USB de la tele para que sea el mismo televisor el que lo alimenta. . Los dos microUSB que salen de ese cable los tienes que conectar. Lo primero que tenemos que hacer es conectar el Chromecast al HDMI de nuestro televisor y a su puerto USB o la toma de corriente. Una vez. Si quieres descubrir los perfiles de las chicas que te rodean, centrados principalmente en Estados Unidos y el Reino Unido. Mireia Belmonte y Miguel ngel Muoz nos cuentan cmo consiguen encontrar el bienesta. A pesar de ello, mundialmente conocidas o que funcionan a nivel local, tus viajes largos en aviуn o tus llegadas a nuevos destinos mucho mбs placenteras juntando a viajeros que andan buscando exactamente lo mismo que tъ: matar los tiempos muertos de los vuelos con sexo. |